Untitled
unknown
plain_text
3 months ago
5.6 kB
15
Indexable
Preface It is a dangerous thing to try to explain something that is, at every level, profoundly stupid. Not “ha-ha, people are silly” stupid. Not the charming, endearing, “we put googly eyes on a Roomba and now it has a personality” kind of stupid. No, this is the heavier kind. The kind that breaks things. The kind that smiles while it does so. The kind that insists, loudly and with great confidence, that the broken thing is actually working better than ever—possibly the best it has ever worked, in fact, and anyone who says otherwise is both unpatriotic and, somehow, bad at math. Now, there are many respectable ways one might approach the rise of right-wing authoritarianism in the United States. One could marshal data, construct models, cite precedents, and write soberly about institutional decay, economic dislocation, media fragmentation, and the slow erosion of democratic norms. One could, in other words, behave like a serious person. This book will, at times, do that. But it will also do something else, because the respectable approach alone has a small but notable flaw: it assumes that the system we are describing is, at its core, attempting to function. It assumes that incentives are aligned with outcomes, that rhetoric is at least loosely tethered to belief, and that the people steering the ship would prefer not to set it on fire while still aboard. Reader, I regret to inform you that this assumption does not always hold. Instead, what you will find here is a guided tour through a series of decisions—many small, some staggeringly large—that, taken together, produced a political movement that is at once deeply organized and wildly chaotic, ruthlessly strategic and astonishingly careless, paranoid about shadowy conspiracies while being, in many cases, completely out in the open about its own intentions. If this sounds contradictory, that’s because it is. Contradiction is not a bug in this system; it is a feature. It is not merely tolerated but weaponized. The ability to hold two mutually exclusive ideas and deploy them interchangeably, depending on which one is more useful in the moment, turns out to be extremely effective if your primary goal is not coherence, but power. And power, as we will see, is the only metric that consistently matters. Along the way, we will meet a cast of characters who might, in another context, be considered unbelievable. There are billionaires who fund movements they do not appear to fully understand, politicians who say things they do not appear to believe, media figures who believe things they do not appear to say, and a large supporting ensemble of operatives, influencers, and true believers who keep the whole apparatus humming by ensuring that, at any given moment, someone, somewhere, is very confidently wrong about something important. We will also encounter institutions—courts, legislatures, regulatory bodies—that, like aging stage sets, continue to stand long after their structural integrity has been compromised, held together by precedent, habit, and the increasingly strained hope that no one will lean too hard on any one part. People often ask, at this point, how such a thing could happen in a country that considers itself stable, advanced, and, above all, exceptional. The answer is both simpler and less comforting than one might hope. It happened the same way most things happen: gradually, then suddenly, and always with a paper trail that, in retrospect, reads like a series of increasingly desperate notes left by people who suspected something was wrong but were not entirely sure what to do about it. Add to this a media ecosystem optimized not for truth but for engagement, a political system riddled with perverse incentives, and a public that is, like all publics everywhere, busy, distracted, and occasionally willing to believe things that make them feel better rather than things that make them correct. Stir well. Do not look away. None of this is to say that the story is simple, or that it can be reduced to a single cause, villain, or moment. If anything, the opposite is true. Complexity is the point. The system works—if we may still use that word—because it is diffuse, adaptive, and, above all, very good at making responsibility hard to pin down. Everyone is a little bit responsible, which often feels, in practice, like no one is. And yet, despite all of this, there is a throughline. A pattern. A set of choices, repeated often enough and rewarded consistently enough, that they begin to look less like accidents and more like design. This book is about that design. It is also, unavoidably, about us—the voters, the viewers, the readers, the people who clicked, shared, laughed, shrugged, and moved on. It would be comforting to imagine that the forces described here are entirely external, that they were imposed upon an unwilling population by a small group of bad actors. There are, certainly, bad actors. A great many of them. But systems of this scale do not sustain themselves without participation. Even passive participation. Especially passive participation. So yes, there will be charts. There will be timelines. There will be moments of careful, evidence-based analysis that you can point to and say, “Ah, I see, this is how it happened.” And then there will be moments where the only honest response is: “Wait, really?” Yes. Really. Everything in this book is, to the best of my ability and knowledge, true. Which is, perhaps, the most troubling part. Welcome to America. Everything Is Dumb And Bad.
Editor is loading...
Leave a Comment